By Ignacio Bosque
The ebook starts off via summarizing, commenting on, and comparing prior descriptive and theoretical contributions on Spanish exclamatives. This introductory assessment additionally encompasses a targeted category of Spanish exclamative grammatical kinds, besides an research in their major properties. Special recognition is dedicated within the e-book throughoutto the syntactic buildings displayed via exclamative styles; the variations among exclamations and different speech acts (specifically questions and imperatives); the odd semantic denotation of exclamative phrases and their courting to quantifiers denoting excessive measure; the semantics of adjectives and adverbs expressing severe overview; the shape and interpretation of negated and embedded exclamatives; the houses of optative utterances; and the several ways that expressive contents are with regards to unforeseen reactions of the speaker, in addition to attainable wisdom shared via interlocutors.
This groundbreaking quantity presents a complete and exact photograph of Spanish exclamation by means of integrating its a number of part parts.
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Additional resources for Advances in the Analysis of Spanish Exclamatives
An argument in support of this conclusion is the fact that so-â•‰called “que-â•‰galicado” sentences, present in most varieties of American Spanish (Brucart, 1994; Di Tullio & Kailuweit, 2012), lack free relatives. Interestingly, they reject wh-exclamatives as well. ¿Cuánta plata fue que se robó? *¡Cuánta plata fue que se robó! 3. ¿Qué libros has enviado a qué clientes? *¡Qué libros has enviado a qué clientes! 2h), but no answers are required (or even possible) in exclamatives. The non-â•‰existence of in situ exclamatives is also related to the absence of dialogues in which variables could be bound.
But a few potential counterexamples exist, as argued by Girón (2014). Ahora verás si aprovecha. Dígame usted si no tengo razón. Figúrate tú si será grande la casa. ’ Example (78a) is unclear, since it allows for a disjunctive . . o no (‘. . or not’) coda, and disjunctive codas are incompatible with exclamatives as a natural consequence of the illocutionary nature of exclamative speech acts. Other potential counterexamples suggested by Girón, such as those headed by mira or fíjate, are dubious as well, since these expressions seem to behave as mirative particles (Sánchez López, 2014b) rather than transitive verbs (in fact, fijarse is an intransitive verb: Fíjate si corre este coche ‘See how much this car runs’ > *Fíjatelo ‘See it’).
Si será Juan tonto! ¡Si habrá escrito libros este hombre! ’ That is, adjectives in this pattern reject overt degree modifiers (* . . , in [48a]), and nominals must be bare (* . . muchos libros in [48b]). Hernanz (2012) argues that in these sentences a null operator acting as a specifier of a FocusP headed by si binds a null degree or amount quantifier in its base position. Another feature, which she calls irrealis, is argued to be located in ForceP in order to provide the modal information (epistemic future or conditional) encoded in the verb’s inflexional morphology: (49) [ForceP [+irrealis] Opi .
Advances in the Analysis of Spanish Exclamatives by Ignacio Bosque